Search This Blog

Monday, 22 April 2013

South Metropolitan Gas Company

The profit sharing scheme which South Met. inaugurated in 1889 was only one of a series of remarkable events in which the company had been involved since the early 1860s when George Livesey had first become sole manager. Before this time the company had pursued a line - unique in London - in which can be seen the roots of Livesey's policies. Under Livesey South Met.'s role was directly concerned with the gas industry's relationship with central and local government.

Even before George Livesey had become an employee of the Company, it was trying to answer criticism from 'consumers' and to do so by means of voluntary action. In the 1880s George Livesey was able to put forward ideas and policies which were the results of policy decisions taken in the 1840s as a way to meet public criticisms. However flamboyant George Livesey's approach might be, he can be seen in essence to be following policies laid down fifty years before by his father and the Board of the late 1840s and 1850s.

George Livesey's father, Thomas, went to work for South Met. as their clerk in 1839. The Company had had a fairly unstable history up to then. It had been founded to compete with the Phoenix Company in the late 1820s, and to supply cannel gas (gas made with a coalgiving a clearer light - but more expensive). The works was built at the very edge of South London, on the banks of the Surrey Canal between Peckham and Deptford. The early minute books, in so far as they exist, are filled with scandals and disputes - the first Managing Director described as 'a questionable character'.

In 1836 the works was partly destroyed by a major explosion in the course of a dispute on patent rights with the Engineer, George Holsworthy Palmer.
 
The Board was reconstituted in 1839 under the Chairmanship of Alderman Farncombe, a prominent City figure, wharfinger and future Lord Mayor. From that time the Board was dominated by a few families.
 
In the 1880s the major shareholder was Richard Foster, whose family had occupied Board positions since the start of the Company. Foster himself had held shares since the 1820s and although never he never took on Board membership he championed Livesey's his actions, however controversial, against Board decisions. The Company minute books abound in instances in which a Board decision against Livesey would be answered by a letter from Foster, backing Livesey's.

Another important element of Company policy involved a strong body of Christian belief among some members of the Board. At management level this was shared by Thomas Livesey and led the company from the early 1850s to promote a welfare policy for its workforce. The roots of co-partnership lie in maintaining the welfare of employees, and thus buying their co-operation, efficiency could be maintained, and price kept down.
 
By helping the workforce materially they could be morally influenced, which it was hoped would persuade them away from forces outside the Company. 'Loyalty - was at a premium - loyalty to the idea of the Company as a good and giving body.  If the industry's existence was to be threatened then the workforce must be enlisted as supporters lest they should ally with the Company's enemies and undermine it.

Public criticism was about keeping prices down. This policy had evolved between 1842 and 1871 and had been helped by keeping capital low. Bypaying low dividends on capital, profit could be reinvested in works and maintenance: as profit rose there was less capital to service through dividends and therefore more money to re-invest. A company with high profits and low capital could afford to lower prices and still maintain quality.

Thomas Livesey had come to South Met. from a clerkship with the Gas Light and Coke Co. He was not a technician but an administrator and the nephew of another Thomas Livesey who had been responsible for the formation of administration at Gas Light & Coke Co., in its earliest years. George's uncle William, was a Parliamentary agent working for gas companies and an expert in gas legislation. George thus had powerful influences and a background of great expertise in gas affairs on which to build.

Thomas Livesey and his family lived in a cottage alongside the works in the 1840s and he worked under the direction of the Board which never gave him the freedom that it was eventually obliged to give his son. Once he had established his position in office he was trusted by the Board who praised his work frequently. He was the only management level officer of the Company, and as George grew up he began to take over the technical management from his father.

So - in 1839 the Company had £80,000 invested in what was now a mainly useless works. Until 1849 a dividend of less than 2% was paid but in reality a profit of 10% had been made since 1842 and this balance was re-invested in equipment. In 1856 the then Chairman said that 'it is in the best interests of the concern to keep capital down and therefore to use it to extend the works' . In the 1880s George Livesey could boast that the building of the massive new works at East Greenwich ‘had been entirely financed from running profits. As consumer agitation grew in the 1840s and 50s the Board began to reduce prices to pre-empt local authority criticisms.

In 1860 the Chairman said that 'in order to satisfy the people we have reduced the price of our gas 4d. per 1,000 - we are not compelled to reduce the price.' The Company began to enjoy a remarkable reputation with the local authorities whose areas it served. It had been founded to compete with the Phoenix Company and the Surrey Consumers Company and its prices were lower than either. In 1850 the Camberwell Vestry could say that they were 'quite happy with the South Met. - they had never heard a single complaint' and in 1875 a petition from Camberwell to the Metropolitan Board of Works said in part; 'this parish is supplied with gas by the South Met. which by reason of its small capital and good management has been for many years enabled to supply to its customers 14 candle gas at 2/ld. per cubic foot ... your honourable board will take such steps as are necessary to maintain the privilege now derived from being supplied by the South Met.'

Such praise was not being given to other companies in London and in the 1880s Camberwell was to lead a deputation protesting to the Board of Trade that South Met, must not be contaminated by those other Companies whose prices were not all the local authorities desired.

It had been said of Thomas Livesey that his ambition was to 'take the lead'. This lead was defined by George Livesey in 1875 as: 'the lead of the London Gas Companies as to price - the lower the price the more secure the property and the investment'. This statement also shows Livesey's ambition that South Met., was to be the best company and show the way as to how gas companies should be run.
 
In 1839 South Met. was small and failing, it was the ambitions of the Liveseys, father and son, which, took it to pre-eminence in world terms by 1900.

'Consumer' agitation in Southwark in the 1850s was led by John Thwaites, later Chairman of the Metropolitan Board of Works. George Livesey in later years described how as a teenager he had attended meetings agitating for change: 'I remember quite as a youngster attending a public meeting and hearing Sir John Thwaites speak .... if the companies had been reasonable and reduced [the price of gas] it by 1s. to 5s. I think it would have stopped the agitation'.

So some of Livesey's earliest political impressions concerned these meetings which called for changes in gas company policy in the public interest. The meetings were lively ones and an early Journal of Gas Lighting published a letter, mysteriously, from 'Live and Let Live' which gives some of their flavour: the meeting was 'numerous and uproarious'; one was 'ejected by a policeman', and the conclusion that 'a little knowledge and much assertion (usually combined) are very dangerous things!. People had produced pamphlets - 'What's Up!' ... 'What a Lark!' ... 'What's the Price?' - all good stuff for a teenage boy to take to heart.

Following the agitation in South London the Surrey Consumers Company had been founded in Rotherhithe and soon after acquired the works of the old Deptford Company. The Boards of both South Met. and Phoenix Companies responded with lower prices and soon Surrey Consumers were finding their guaranteed low prices difficult to maintain. Livesey quoted John Thwaites 'I see competition is a failure' and soon districting agreements had been informally finalised in South London.

In 1848 George Livesey became an employee of the Company as 'the boy' and during this period the Company's policy on pricing was hardening. Price reductions were announced at this time

South Met. was not only proud of its pricing policy but of its 'efficiency' and technical innovation. Thomas Livesey built gasholders by direct labour, introduced canvassing for customers, and began to re-use fireclay retorts. George Livesey as his father's assistant acted as Engineer in the works and soon began to acquire a string of patents. Working with a local firm of chemists. Hills of Deptford, he began a long series of experiments to perfect a new method of purifying gas. This method ultimately failed but in the process he gave several technical papers to the professional institute and made his name as an engineer.
 
It was in the field of gasholder construction that George Livesey really made his name - and in this way showed a grasp of administrative application to technology which meant that it was used to its best advantage. South Met. began to build bigger and bigger gas holders culminating in the 1880s in the giant gasholders still to be seen at East Greenwich. Livesey explained that such holders are more economical because by storing gas in giant amounts in the air the amount of expensive land used was reduced. In the same way gasholders could be used to store gas over the weekend and thus cut down on Sunday working with all its difficulties.

Journal of Gas Lighting was rather cynical about Livesey's technical prowess: 'the paper contains several declarations of principle and a scarcity of theoretical knowledge'. but it was this ability to grasp the wider problems of manufacture which made South Met the premier company that it became under the Liveseys.

In evidence to various Commissions of Enquiry, and Select Committees, George Livesey was at pains to explain the financial reasons for many of his Company's actions. Always clear:, they are a vivid illustration of the administrative means and the thought that went into South Met.'s policies. Policies formulated in the 1850s were designed with an eye to the future. A vivid illustration of this is in districting policy. Thomas Livesey was reported as having fought street by street for as large a growing suburban area as possible. This was a big factor in making the Company so successful in the 1880s and 1890s.

The massive increase in housing in South London meant that sales of gas rose dramatically. At the same time the expensive investment in mains had already been made and new customers could be connected quickly and efficiently Profit could be quickly maximised. It was the foresight of Thomas Livesey and the South Met.'s Chairman which had laid the groundwork for this enormous expansion. The Chairman in the 1850s was yet another member of the Foster family.

In the 1850s the Board were not themselves local men - while some may have had country homes in South London they were mostly from the City and none of them had addresses in South East London - Peckham or Camberwell. The Livesey's did however become identified with the area which the works supplied. Thomas Livesey, once he had moved to South London, never moved out. From the cottage in Canal Grove near the works he moved to Consort Road in Peckham and from there to Dulwich. He served as a member of Camberwell Vestry; was a local churchwarden and a supporter of local schools.

George lived in Peckham and in Denmark Hill but, at his official retirement, moved to Reigate. He continued with his father's tradition of local involvement and good works - he supported local churches and temperance organisations and in 1889 gave a library to Camberwell vestry. Sited opposite the Old Kent Road works this was naturally well stocked with works on gas technology but it was as a point of principle to be a free library for the working classes of Camberwell, who, Livesey thought, had 'strong claims on a library'. The Livesey family claimed to know and understand South London and part of what George Livesey said when he put forward arguments in favour of co-partnership was that he knew and understood the men who worked for South Met; that he understood their culture and environment .

Thomas Livesey deferred to the Board and followed their instructions in every way. When he was offered a Directorship of the neighbouring Crystal Palace Company he turned it down on the Board's instructions. It. was said of George Livesey that this incident determined him not to be so directed by the Board. When his father was told not to become a Crystal Palace Company director, George Livesey immediately began to hope for. a directorship of that Company for himself - which in due course he was offered and accepted. In George Livesey’s early years as manager of South Met. at Old Kent Road he frequently quarrelled with the Board on policy matters and carried on the battle until he won.

Livesey's first public dispute with the Board concerned his evidence, against South Met.’s policy, to the Select committee of 1875 on the subject of the sliding scale. Livesey claimed that he had been forced to give this evidence by the Board of Trade. The incident also gives some indication of George Livesey’s standing at that time as the manager of a relatively small and obscure works in post for only four years. This demonstrates the way in which George Livesey had become the pacesetter in regard to his aging Board. He was pushing policies to their logical conclusions which had long been laid by the Board and was prepared to use the power of shareholders meetings to change Board policies, which he did not like.

The 1870s saw South Met.’s management expanding and innovating: company meetings often involved major confrontations between Livesey as Company Secretary and Board members. As Company Engineer he was an employee and could have been dismissed; as Company Secretary he was elected by the shareholders - and Livesey was sometimes accused from the platform of having packed meetings with employees.
 
The 1872 Gasworkers strike was a factor which helped to consolidate Livesey's position at South Met. Alone in London South Met. workers did not strike: Livesey claimed thereafter that the reason for this was that he 'understood' the workforce and that this had diverted strike action. This claim will be discussed later.

As South Met. expanded so Livesey began to push efficiency as the reason for this success. Throughout the period of the 1870s he gave numerous papers on various subjects to professional bodies in the gas industry. To start with these papers were on technical subjects but gradually they took on matters more related to administration and in due course to worker relations. In Livesey's year as Chairman of the Institute of Gas Engineers, 1876, he made several speeches of an overtly political nature. The message throughout these papers is cost effectiveness and efficiency - but in so far as worker relationships are concerned these must be tempered by allowing workers some rights, like that of worship on a Sunday and that this in turn will give the worker the commitment to the Company to work in a more positive way.

In the course of the amalgamations with Surrey Consumers, the Phoenix Company and the two Woolwich Companies, Livesey retired from his employment with the Company. Once the presentations to himself and his wife at the various 'works were over he took up a place on the Board. Within six months he was Chairman and from then on his career continued without the restraints imposed by being an employee - but nonetheless still in opposition to many on the existing Board. This Board was now greatly enlarged and augumented with members from the other constituent companies. In South Met.'s name he began to champion a number of political causes. One of these was the abolition of the coal taxes. At that time all coal which came into London was taxed and obviously for the gas companies whose main raw material it was these were a burden they did not want. Livesey argued that prices could fall if the tax was lifted and that this was the only sensible course. He argued that tax was collected by local authorities who then paid it back to him in the form of increased prices higher than they need be because of the tax. South Met. was however the only company pledged to lower its prices should coal taxes be abolished.
 
In 1889 this cause took him directly into the political arena when all candidates for the LCC were lobbied on this issue. The same battle was carried on against rates - rates in Livesey.s arguments were yet another local tax pushing up gas prices to the ratepayer. South Met. made a policy of opposing all rating assessments and Livesey appeared at hearings to argue that since South Met. was a partnership of consumers and company under the sliding scale that rates were then an unnecessary bureaucratic procedure. After the formation of the Metropolitan Boroughs in 1894 Livesey carried this campaign even further and it eventually led him to a personal involvement with the. Municipal Reform Society in the 1900s.

Increasingly throughout the 1880s and 1890s he turned his attacks towards the other major London gas company: Gas Light and Coke Co. Livesey began a major campaign of criticism against every aspect of their management and policy. As a shareholder he began to turn up to their Company meetings to make long and detailed speeches on most aspects of their work and would claim to demonstrate changes, which would lead to economies. This was augumented by letters to the press and by political lobbying.

By 1889 at the time of the Gas Workers strike this quarrel was at its height. A dispute had arisen between the two companies over the supply of gas to the Nine Elms Goods Yard. The Railway Company had taken advantage of South Met's lower prices to get their supply of gas from them but most of the premises lay in the area of Gas Light and Coke's agreed supply. The case eventually went to the House of Lords and despite previous judgements in favour of South Met. damages were awarded to Gas Light and Coke Co.

During the period of the 1889 strike South Met. were being pressed by Gas Light and Coke for payment of these damages and relations were very bad indeed. This incident is only important in that it illustrates how far Livesey was prepared to go in order to prove that the gas industry could supply gas in a way that was not against the public interest. To do so he had broken up any form of
 
Another source of friction in the London gas industry in 1889 was the situation which had given rise to the break up of the professional institute. A scandal had grown out of the 1883 Crystal Palace Gas Exhibition. Even before the exhibition had been held certain appliance manufacturers had accused him of partiality towards others . This became a major row led by an appliance manufacturer called George Bray. Bray attacked Livesey through the professional institute and also in the pages of the gas press - some issues of Gas World have four and five page articles against Livesey. An underlying cause of the attack seems to have been the suspicion by some provincial gas men that the Institute was being run by a small group of Londoners 'the London coterie' ' - in fact Livesey and his associates. An argument developed round the issue of whether appliance manufacturers should be allowed into the professional body. The eventual outcome followed High Court actions and accusations of masonic inspired deals – Livesey resigned along with the 'coterie' and a rival professional body was formed.
 
Linked to sales of gas through meters and the push in gas sales was the positive involvement of the workforce. It is here that policies of expansion and technogical advance interface with co-partnership. As sales of gas to the public increased, the Company needed more and more to have an acceptable public face. Large numbers of employees were used outside the works and directly involved with the public; these workers must be totally loyal to the company in order to promote a favourable Company image. Co-partnership was the means of buying this loyalty. Allied to this was a positive policy of encouragement to all workers to become gas salesmen among their friends and relations. Workers were offered a bonus for new customers and any appliances sold through them earned commissions.

George Livesey talked a lot about partnership in relation to the sliding scale. Perhaps the biggest move that South Met. made in this direction during the 1880s was in the policies of share sales to consumers. Legislation required gas companies to offer new stock for sale only through tender or by auction and South Met. varied this policy in that tender notices were deliberately excluded from the financial and business press and instead put into the local papers. Invitations to buy were sent out with gas bills and notices sent out by the Company. Figures for the amount of company stock sold in this way are not available but nevertheless it was a positive plank in Livesey' arguments that the public were partners in the company under the sliding scale and one in which he could easily extend to share sales to company employees.

References
Journal of Gas Lighting
Gas and Water Times
Gas Gazette
Metropolitan Board of Works Minutes
Select Committee into the Metropolitan Gas Companies 1899
Gas World
South London Press
 

The London gas industry in the 1880s.


The co-partnership scheme set up in the South Metropolitan Gas Company in 1889 needs to be examined against the background of the industry from which it came and in particular the history of that industry in London.
 
The London Gas Industry was the first to be set up and it was in London that coal gas was first exploited for commercial gain through sales to the public.
 
South Met's profit sharing scheme of 1889 links a bonus for workers directly to the price of gas. Gas prices at that time were governed by a mechanism linking them to profits and known as the 'sliding scale'. This system of price and dividend regulation was controlled by statute and they were linked the two so that as one fell the other rose. In the bonus system wages were also tied to the price of gas and like the dividends rose and fell according to variations of price. It is thus apparent that this mechanism provides a built in incentive for the workforce to help to reduce price through efficient working. This was George Livesey's 'big idea'.
 
Throughout the middle years of the 19th century politicians and public utility companies had worried about the relationship of price and efficiency to management, control and ownership. If a gas company seemed more concerned with high profits then a consumer pressure groups would bring-this to the attention of government.  The main consumers of 19th century gas were local authorities buying gas for street lighting.
 
'Public' concern in the early days of gas manufacture had concentrated around safety and subsequently efficiency of supply. Solutions were put forward which tried to make shareholders more accountable to the public. Thus municipal ownership had grown - but outside of London. Public ownership was still a matter for discussion in London in 1889.
 
From their earliest days the companies which manufactured coal gas were tied up with the local authorities. Vestries and other local authorities were given the power to levy a rate for the purpose of street lighting in 1736 and used oil lamps as the main available source of light. Gas Lighting from around 1813 provided a more convenient alternative.

The supply of gas for lighting became a goldmine for those who were more interested in making money quickly than in providing a service to the public. Some early gas companies had origins of a very doubtful nature.
 
The first company in London - indeed in Britain - was the Gas Light and Coke Company, also called 'The Chartered'. In 1810 they obtained a statute to light London and found customers in the vestrymen of City wards anxious to improve street lighting. The Company recruited Samuel Clegg to run their works - his influence was such that in 1877 George Livesey was able to describe the gas industry then as 'much as Clegg left it'. Early gas manufacture did not remain unregulated for long=it took only the first few hints of smells and explosions for public concern to manifest itself about the manufacture of such a dangerous substance in city centres.

By the early 1820s governments were starting to find methods of regulation. Gas companies needing new statutory powers to open up the streets were required to fulfill conditions imposed on them by the authorities.  There was a however also a belief that Companies should be left to pursue their own methods in a competitive market and that in this way they were likely to serve the public more efficiently while a degree of control was necessary.
 
One example of control of gas companies by government policy was in 'districting agreements'. Companies who could limit their activities to one geographical area, and keep others out, could enjoy the advantages of a monopoly. By the mid-1850s voluntary agreements of this nature had been entered into by most companies.
 
In his evidence to the 1899 Select Committee on Metropolitan Gas Companies George Livesey said  most of the companies prior to the districting of the 1850s were in 'a more or less unsatisfactory condition'.  He referred to the situation where rival companies supplied customers in the same areas leading to the necessity for mile after mile of duplicate mains - with attendant holes in the road together with leaks and damaged mains. Some companies encouraged employees to connect their own customers to other companies' mains, or damage their mains in some way - and in at least one case pitched battles between rival gangs of navvies ensued.  District agreements ended all that.

Governments could chose between the monopoly position created by districting agreements or disruption engendered by free competition. One response was to challenge the ownership of companies. It was argued that a service paid for mainly by public authorities should not be dedicated entirely to private profit. A solution-was attempted in the setting up of 'consumer' groups which proposed a different form of ownership.

 At first proposals were put forward for 'consumer' ownership of the mains and this was followed by the setting up of special 'consumer' companies. These differed very little from the ordinary statutory private company except that they pledged themselves to act for the consumers who would be their shareholders. They guaranteed a fixed low price. Through their company meetings shareholders would ensure that the pricing policy was adhered to. Consumer companies were set up in many parts of the country - two in the metropolitan area - the first sponsored by the City of London.
 
In South London by the 1860s the main gas companies were The Phoenix, covering Southwark, Deptford and Greenwich and the very much smaller South Met. covering Peckham and Camberwell.
The Surrey Consumers Gas Light and Coke Company was set up with a works in Rotherhithe to challenge the two main South London Companies. Prices fell very quickly following the establishment of the consumer company and as the established companies lowered their prices to meet the competition.

However, once prices went down customers stayed with their original company and the consumer company was unable to get enough customers to survive and keep its prices down. Very soon negotiations with the established companies were opened on 'districting' for and the consumer companies were in effect become no different from the existing commercial concerns they had been designed to replace.
 
As consumer companies began to demonstrate that they were no different from the ordinary private companies so local authority ownership of works was seen a solution and new statutes to commercial companies they began to include clauses which allowed for possible future acquisition by the local authority. These clauses purely came from a desire to keep the rates down.
 
Municipalisation of existing works and the erection of new ones by local authorities proceeded outside London. Following the Municipal Boroughs Funds Act of 1872 which allowed ownershp without a statute municipalisation increased. Silverthome (1881) lists sixty towns where gas works were municipally owned  but London companies remained in private hands. This failure to municipalise in London was directly because of the lack of a central authority in the capital.

Until 1855 control of lighting in London lay with a multiplicity of vestries; central authority was represented only by the Metropolitan Board of Works with its limited powers. Action could not take place without the consent both the vestries and the board - plus, of course, the City Corporation. Chatterton has suggested that gas companies were amongst the bodies most opposed to the setting up of a strong central London local authority.
 
By the late 1850s informal 'districting' agreements on areas of supply had been established to cover most of London - and these were ratified by Government in the 1860s. Problems of gas pricing and the right of companies to make profits from the public purse occupied politicians through the succeeding years. A solution was also sought whereby the public interest might be reconciled with those of private Companies.

In 1899 Harry Haward, then Comptroller of the London County Council gave evidence to a Select Committee into Metropolitan Gas Companies. He said 'legislation in 1860 proceeded on the idea that companies should have 'a reasonable prospect of attaining from time to time with due care and management the maximum dividend'.
 
In 1874 the City Corporation and the Metropolitan Board of Works submitted three bills:- 'the first bill was for the purchase of the companies, the second bill was for the establishment of a competing supply - and the third was for a regulation bill'.

The first two of these bills were eventually dropped and the situation resolved in another series of measures designed to regulate gas prices and to ensure some sort of efficiency in working. The situation in London had thus become one whereby gas companies used their influence to oppose what they saw as attacks on their independence by local authorities representing consumer interests. Mediation took place through the Board of Trade.

At a the Select Committee into Metropolitan Gas Companies of 1875 officials from the Board of Trade produced George Livesey who gave evidence in favour of what became known as the 'sliding scale'.

 Livesey was at that time an employee of the South Met. Co. and his appearance was against the policy of his employers. Although he protested that he had spoken 'under Speaker's Orders' - that is he had been required to come - some parties in both South Met. and other companies called for his dismissal.
 
In his evidence to the Committee Livesey said: 'It should be possible to form a scheme for embodying in a general act, that should make the consumers in a sense partners in the gas company, whereby both should participate in any improved or more economic working '.
 
'Partnership' was thus a recurrent theme of Livesey's, one on which he had already spoken publicly in the context of gas management, and one on which he was to enlarge greatly once the co-partnership scheme had been set up. In this context it relates entirely to the sliding scale of gas pricing.

It is almost impossible to underestimate the importance of the sliding scale both as a partial solution to the problems of the gas industry in London but also in the context as a recurrent theme of Livesey's. It became a touchstone to which he could return and refer back as the basis on which the whole edifice of his scheme was built.
 
The sliding scale in the gas industry in the 1870s had no relation to sliding scales in other industries - except in so far as it was an automatic system which tied profit to price. It was designed to separate control over these elements from Government control. In 1875 a letter had been sent from the Board of Trade to the Chairman of the Select Committee on the Metropolitan Gas Companies, which outlined several important points of principle. 'it would seem a priori at least doubtful whether any Government Department or official commissioners ... can succeed in dictating to a trading company the terms and conditions of manufacture on which they can make the. greatest amount of profit'. Any scheme devised should be independent of Government and yet able to guarantee responsibility in terms of price and efficiency while satisfying the need for the incentive of profit.

The sliding scale was seen as a solution to this problem. It was automatic once a base line had been set by the Government, to provide an incentive to lower prices while efficiency in working grew. To quote Livesey again in 1899: 'if it be distinctly in the interests of the company to serve the customer then the customer will be served'.
 
This suggestion from Livesey provoked a great deal of hostility from the existing gas companies - including South Met. Nevertheless it was adopted and gradually incorporated into new statutes as companies applied for them and it became working practice.
 
In the succeeding decade it came to be believed that more efficient gas company working could be achieved by fewer but larger companies. To this end both Government and companies began to promote schemes of amalgamation between companies and by the early 1880s London's nine gas companies had been reduced to three. As part of this movement Gas Light and Coke Co. - which had by then subsumed most of the other companies north of the Thames - in 1872 built the giant Beckton works as a central supply point for much of their area.
 
Eventually a scheme was set up by Livesey aiming to unite both north and south London and this would have gone ahead had it not been prevented by the Board of Trade.
 
South Met. by then controlled the whole area south of the river, following amalgamations with Phoenix, Surrey Consumers and two small companies in Woolwich. Efficiencies of scale had not always followed amalgamations and South Met's low prices and reputation for high quality had not been copied in north London. Gas Light & Coke Co. were now obliged under their statute to set their prices by the standard of South Met's current charges. South Met. had no such measure to set themselves by and were thus assumed by Government to be achieving prices as low as could possibly be set.

However both City Corporation and Metropolitan Board of Works continued to consider the basis of a publicly controlled supply of gas. Farrier of the Board of Trade speaking in 1876 said: 'the day will come when the gas companies will be bought up by the municipal authorities. I am not going to sanction any further increase in capital... I will do what I can to prevent the public ... when they buy them up to pay an inflated price ... for those premiums that have gone into the pockets of the shareholders.

Thus civil servants believed they should could safeguard ithe public purse in the event of future political action. That action was anticipated but never happened. J. Beal the later Progressive Member for Fulham in the first session of the LCC put forward purchase of the existing Metropolitan Gas Companies as a source of indirect taxation and an anonymous pamphlet of 1878 echoes this - gas works profits could be used to subsidise other public services and keep rates down. E. Dresser-Rogers is quoted in an address to the gas companies of the City of London, in 1864 as having said that 'a monopoly to supply the public with an article of  necessity should belong to the public'

 
These ideas found expression in 1876 in J.B.Firth's Municipal London which devotes a chapter to the moral necessity for public ownership of gas and paints the vision of a city such as London entirely directed in the public interest. These ideas were eventually taken up in the 1880s by various progressive groups and eventual expression was found in the early days of the London County Council.
 
The London County Council as the first strong and united Local Authority in London first took office in 1889 and striking gas workers in that year were quick to point out to Livesey that: 'this company will be transferred to the County Council for the benefit of London'.

One of the first actions of the LCC in March 1889 was for Councillor Beal to call for an officers' report on the practicalities of municipalisation of London's gas and water supplies. It was however felt that the case for gas muncipalisation was 'weak' and that part of the report was not proceeded with. The cause of municipalisation of gas by LCC was seen as one of the calls from the 'left' -  the great John Burns mentioned it regularly and described the London industry as 'moribund'.

Public ownership was seen merely in municipal terms - ownership by national government was not considered. The London gas companies behaved in ways which would have been expected of them - they opposed bills put forward to regulate them and tried to prevent public ownership being seen as a solution. Companies gave money to political groups which were opposed to public ownership. In 1899 the South Suburban Company, of which Livesey was Chair, gave donations to the Liberty and Property Defence League. In 1889 Livesey was involved in alternative forms of worker's politics - he was helping to set up "The Workmen's Association for the Defence of British Industry' - as an attempt to find channels which would support the defence of capital.
 
This brief description of the political background to the gas industry in the nineteenth century must be extended by an explanation of some technical changes. In the 1880s gas was becoming more widely used by ordinary people as a means of cooking and lighting. Prepayment meters were introduced, in London by South Met. Companies were anxious to extend their sales to working class customers and arrangements were made to install free appliances and to make special arrangements for lodgers. It is significant that South Met. in the early 1960s was responsible for changes in the calorific value of the gas it sold in order to make it more suitable as a heating and cooking medium - rather than lighting. Other promotions in this field led to exhibitions of gas appliances - like the one at Crystal Palace in the early 1880s - and demonstrations of gas for cookery, and the opening of gas showrooms.

Men like Livesey, who were managers in the industry in this period were anxious to be seen as professionals. They saw a difference between themselves and those who manufactured appliances. They were anxious to be seen as professional men in the public service with technical rather than business expertise.
 
Competition was being experienced from the electricity industry. For many years gas had sold by-products. Coke sales were an important part of any company's economy and these were joined by numerous chemical products. The gas industry in the last decades of the 19th century and the first of the 20thj put up a tremendous fight against electric competition for the lighting contracts. The pace of innovation and invention of gadgets and devices that would rival electricity was enormous. The gas industry was changing

 One company was outstanding in its attempts to meet that change. That company was South Met. We must look closer at this modest London company which made such efforts to meet both technical and political challenges, and attempted to involve its workforce to identify with it in these challenges.
 
References
Rostron, Laurence, W.S. - Powers of Charge of the Metropolitan Gas Companies. A history of the question of price in London from the introduction of gas lighting to the year 1899. 1927. (Rostron was a South Met. Director and eventually a member of the LCC in the Municipal Reform interest. The book is entirely concerned with the effects of government action on the changing price of gas - and is an apology for South Met).
W.J.Liberty - The History of Gas Lighting. 1921  (Liberty was a South Met. employee).
Chandler, Dean - Outline of the History of Lighting by Gas. 1936. (Chandler was a South Met. employee.)
Report of the Select Committee on the Metropolis 1875.
Minutes of the Evidence taken before the Committee on the Gas Companies (Metropolis) Bill. 1860.
Report from the Select Committee on the Gas (Metropolis) Bill 1860
Report from the Select Committee on the Metropolitan Gas Companies 1899. Minutes and evidence. 1899.
Harry Haward. The London County Council from Within
Everard, Stirling. The History of the Gas Light and Coke Co. 1812-1949 1949.
D.A.Chatterton, State Control of the Public Utilities in the Nineteenth Century: the London Gas Industry. Business History Vol XIV No.2. July 1972.
M.E.Faulkus, The British Gas Industry before 1850. Economic History Review. XX Second Series 1967
Journal of Gas Lighting
Arthur Silverthorne. The Purchase of Gas and Water Works, with the latest statistics of Metropolitan Gas and Water Supply. 1881.
Minutes Metropolitan Board of Works
J.B.Frith. Municipal London, or London Government as it is and London under a municipal council. Longmans & Co. 1876.
Labour Elector
LCC Minutes.
Director's Minutes. South Suburban Gas Co.
South London Press

George Livesey and profit sharing - Introduction

George Livesey and Profit Sharing - Introduction
 

"One Wednesday morning in October 1889, Charles Tanner the head foreman ... said to me 'the stokers are all in the Union and we have lost all authority in the retort houses .... unless you do something to attach them to the Company we shall be completely in the power of the Union' .... in a quarter of an hour the scheme was set out ... and the same afternoon it was offered to the workmen. The Union men refused it ... and on December 4th demanded that ... it be abolished ... then the memorable strike began; thus was our Co-partnership born".

 
Thus George Livesey, at that time Chairman of the South Metropolitan Gas Company, described events surrounding the gas workers' strike of 1889 and his Company's inauguration of a profit sharing scheme - subsequently known as 'co-partnership'.
 
South Met. was one of the three private gas companies operating in London in 1889. It had been set up in the late 1820s with an area serving Peckham and Camberwell. By the 1880s it had spread into areas once part of Kent and Surrey. South Met. was innovative, ambitious and influenced by the personality of George Livesey.

The famous strike of 1889 followed a series of industrial incidents, including the 'Great Dock Strike'. There were a number of major disputes in provincial gas works following the inauguration of the Gas Workers Union under the leadership of Will Thorne with country-wide demands for a system of eight hour shifts. By the use of a massive number of replacement workers South Met. defeated the union and the profit sharing bonus scheme, against which the men had struck, continued. The scheme flourished throught the following years and in due course participating workers were allowed to buy shares in the Company and to take part in elections for directors chosen from amongst themselves. A consultative committee between management' and workforce was set up and welfare benefits extended to provide comprehensive care. The scheme ended only with nationalization in 1947.

The quotation with which this chapter begins comes from an address by Livesey, written in the year before his death, and published in South Met's the house journal - Co-partnership Journal – and addressed to all co-partners. It was called 'The Way of Peace'  and it related labour unrest to the Christian Christmas message which Livesey was writing to the workforce and it thus described the success of South Met's solution to that unrest: 'for the evils of the industrial world - everybody is convinced that there must be a remedy - it has been found in the great principle of co-partnership – the 'co' means equal or full and complete partnership. '

'Partnership' was something which George Livesey talked about a lot both before and after 1889. Once he had taken over management of the Company in 1871 he talked freely and publicly about his ideas for management in the gas industry. In 1872 he publicly advocated a system of pricing gas in relation to company profits which became known as 'the sliding scale'. This system, he said, could be further applied to the workforce and gas consumers as a means of promoting partnership between all parties with an interest in gas.
 
During the following seventeen years, in lectures, letters to the press, and so on, he continued to put forward ideas which related to 'partnership'. This, he said, would combat the increasing problems in society resulting from growing industrialisation.
 
Because of the profit sharing scheme, and also because of his identification with the anti-trade union movement, historians have taken an increasing interest in Livesey and the 1889 Gas Workers strike. Interest has, however, usually been focused on either the strike or the scheme with little or no investigation into either Livesey's past involvement in theideas associated with his scheme or of its detailed workings - plus taking on its success and longevity.
 
Robert Perks, wrote an article on the Huddersfield woollen manufacturer, Thompson's, profit sharing scheme of the 1880s, He has suggested that profit sharing schemes were more successful than has commonly been supposed. Nevertheless many had remarkably short lives. Successive Board of Trade Reports on Profit Sharing, published from 1891 onwards, gave figures, which appear to demonstrate this.
 
The South Met. profit sharing scheme lasted until it was abolished by an Act of Parliament in 1947 (against the wishes of its participants). By that time it had been copied in numerous other gas works - and the majority of these schemes were also successful. The success rate of these profit sharing schemes in the gas industry was higher than such schemes in general. Breakdown, as Perks says, was not usually directly attributable to breakdown of profit sharing per se.

The industrial action of 1889 in South Met's works was directly related to the profit sharing scheme. The company had already granted the eight-hour day to its retort house workers and was resisting demands for overtime payments in respect of Sunday working. The profit sharing scheme was introduced with the condition that participants must sign an agreement which would have the effect of making strike action more difficult. The dispute was called because the company would not withdraw this condition. It was essentially a dispute about union recognition and about the Union's right to organise within the workplace. The Gas Workers' Union saw the scheme as a direct challenge but were unable to argue effectively that their right to organise was more important than the rights of individual workers to determine their own contracts.

The Gas Workers Union was unable to get support from other trade unionists in terms of practical and financial help thus forcing them to abandon the dispute. Because of this close relationship between the strike and the scheme, historians have generally assumed that the scheme was introduced either to forestall the strike or as a reaction to it.
 
Although the South Met's long history of welfare provision is sometimes mentioned, Livesey's own involvement in finding solutions to this industrial problem is not. Discussion has not included the possibility that the Union's existence gave Livesey a chance to introduce a scheme which he had previously been prevented from pursuing through the opposition of Board members.
 
By highlighting both Livesey's past ideas and the means through which the scheme was implemented, shows it as an attempt - if not to change society – to demonstrate possibilities through which it could be changed.
 
Gareth Stedman Jones has outlined the debate on the perceived need for change with reference to the problems of the urban casually employed poor in London. Gas workers are one of the occupational groups which have been thought to come from this part of society. However workers from one gas works were not necessarily the same as those at another. Beckton is not necessarily the same as the Old Kent Road.
 
Stedman-Jones quotes J.S.Mill: "thus the whole question of the prospects of the working class came. to revolve round the degree in which they can be made rational beings", Such matters concerned employers and other 'middle class’ people anxious to 'improve' those whose prospects they saw as poor.
 
Employer's welfare schemes before 1900 have been largely undocumented - except in the case of a few outstanding philanthropists. Motivations for employers' welfare work remain unclear and are often described, vaguely, as 'paternalistic' without a definition of what that is thought to mean, South Met, had a background of welfare provision before 1889 and knowing this is crucial to an understanding of the 1889 scheme.
 
Livesey, like others, had come to a conclusion that the circumstances of working people must be improved.  By 1889 other organisations - trade unions, socialist societies - were there to claim the workers' allegiance for their own.
 
Better paid workers in occupations with status and independence were able to form their own organisations - Friendly Societies, Building Societies. This process had been outlined by Geoffrey Crossick in his work on the artisan elite in what he describes as 'Kentish London' - an area from which many of South Met's workforce would have been drawn. Crossick describes how: "middle class reformers, and liberal politicians pressed upon the working class a particular set of values that we recognise today as peculiarly Victorian - domesticity, industry, thrift and respectability ".
 
Livesey, living and working in South London, could not fail to be aware of aspirations towards security, material comfort, status - as achieved by men like Crossick's artisans, many of whom were worked as tradesmen in the gas industry - as distinct from the labourers who have been the focus of most studies.
 
In the past, South Met. and other gas companies, had attempted to help their workers to set up these institutions of mutual benefit - pension funds, sick funds, etc. It can be argued that the profit sharing scheme is in itself merely a more ambitious variety of these but that it consciously became a method of manipulating the workforce into that Victorian mould of 'Christian observance, sobriety, thrift, orderliness and cleanliness'. We must not assume that they were unwilling to be so moulded.
 
Eric Hobsbawm in his article British Gasworkers comments that co-partnership schemes were in reality 'outbidding the unions'. This auction was not only in terms of financial gain but in terms of philosophy. South Met's scheme could offer, for those willing to agree to its terms, material gains beyond anything the Union could match.
 
The Union could offer the possibility of higher wages after a fight but with the promise that no strings would be attached in terms of way of life. The 1889 strike was essentially about that freedom -  'freedom' was the term used by both sides.
 
The proft sharing scheme of 1889 was relatively simple in comparison to what it later became. By the standards of other schemes it was immensely complex. It was remarkable for the amount of participation which it involved. Worker directors, consultative committees - although trifling against the measure of a true co-operative - were still an enormous advance on such institutions elsewhere.
 
Energy is crucial in an industrial nation and those who supply it control society to some measure. Gas had been the supreme method of lighting for the past eighty years. In the late 1880s, through competition from electricity, diversifying into an energy supply for heating and the powering of machinery.
 
Throughout the eighty years of its existence the industry had been involved in a dispute with local and central government which concerned control. This took the form of increased legislation to control activities in private companies and at the same time involved a discussion on ownership of public utilities which resulted in various forms of alternative ownership. By the 1880s that had resulted in a move to increasing numbers of municipal works outside of London.

Livesey's continued - talk of 'partnership' and the drift of the whole scheme towards participation must be seen in the light of these events. London was almost the last major city where municipal control of the gas industry had not been seriously attempted - in 1889 the formation of the London County Council, with many members calling for municpal ownership, posed an immediate threat. 'Socialism' for the gas industry in 1889 was an immediate danger threatening the very ownership and control of the industry. This threat came from two sources - local government and the newly formed union. The two united could easily prevail. The battle then for workers' hearts and minds was even more urgent.
 
Helen Lynd has described in England in the 1880s as: 'a period ... when changes in thought and social attitudes become suddenly apparent' and that: 'an ideology half a century old yielded to a new phrasing of social problems and an effort to find new paths to their solutions'.

Such an effort was made in South Met.
 
Problems apparent throughout the 1880s had come to a head in 1889 - with the formation of the London County Council, and the the Gas Workers Union. At the same ' time profit sharing schemes had become newly fashionable - it was in 1889 that an International Congress defined the features of a scheme.
 
This movement and George Livesey must be seen together -  Livesey dominated not only South Met, but the whole industry for forty years. He was a professional gas engineer and an administrator and not a politician or a financier. His background was relatively unpretentious and what he was interested in was making the gas industry more efficient. The result was that his solution to the problems of society as he perceived them was individualistic and idiosyncratic.

He was not the only person to find his solution in profit sharing and indeed many such solutions were those of likewise highly eccentric individuals. Pollard, in his article on the scheme set up by Taylor of Batley, comments: 'among the many generalisations perhaps the only one that can be made safely is that virtually every scheme that saw the light of day had very marked special features and/or depended on the: convictions of one very strong personality'.
 
Livesey's influence, as we shall see, spread beyond South Met. to inspire schemes in other gas companies. None were so successful or as far reaching as South Met's own scheme.

NOTES AND REFERENCES
 
It is important to say here that this was written in the late 1970s - before the publication of a considerable body of work by Derek Matthews - his PhD thesis on the early gas industry which highlighted some of this material, and a series of articles including an extremely important one on profit sharing issues.  I am grateful to Derek for subsequent discussions - and sorry that I haven't heard from him for many years.
 
Co-partnership Journal, South Met. Gas Co.
'A Century of Gas in South London". South Met. Gas Co. 1922
Joseph Melling. 'Industrial Strife and Business Welfare Philosophy; the case of the South Metropolitan Gas Company from the 1880s to the War. Business History XXI No.2 July 1979
R. Perks Real Profit Sharing: William Thompson of Huddersfield, 1886-1925. Business History, XXIV July 1982.
Gareth Stedman Jones. Outcast London Oxford 1971
Raymond Williams in the Foreword to Charles Booth's London London 1969.
Geoffrey Crossick. An Artisan Elite in Victorian Society Croom Helm. London 1978.
Eric Hobsbawm. Essays in Labour History Wiedenfield and Nicholson. London 1964.
Helen Lynd. England in the Eighteen-Eighties Oxford University Press 1945.
S. Pollard and R. Turner Profit Sharing and Autocracy: J.T. & J.Taylor of Batley 1892 - 1966. Business History XVIII 1 1976

Sunday, 21 April 2013

George Livesey & profit sharing. Preamble


In the late 1970s I completed a study of the South Metropolitan Gas Company's profit sharing scheme set up by the Company Chairman, George Livesey,  for an M.Phil thesis.  The following page gives the summary, contents and acknowledgements. Hopefully it will be continued with the study itself.
Mary Mills
 
In 1889 the South Metropolitan Gas Company set up a profit sharing scheme. This was instituted in the same year both of the founding of the Gas Workers Union and a concurrent dispute in South Met.'s works. The scheme and its relationship to unionisation need to be explored. Throughout its history the gas industry had been engaged in a dialogue about its policies on profit and price with both central and local government. Within the London gas industry, South Met., with a management dominated by George Livesey after 1871, had an innovatory and often contentious role.

The profit sharing scheme continued and flourished in South Met. and was widely copied throughout the industry. A consultative process was set up which was extended to cover direct elections to the Board by the workforce.

The scheme was used by the Company in such a way as to impose a discipline on the workers, designed not only to limit their behaviour in the workplace but to incorporate them into the property owning structure and prevailing value system.

In a wider setting it can be seen as an attempt by a statutory Company to alter its nature within the joint stock system to meet criticisms concerning the private ownership of a public utility. This thesis will argue that George Livesey’s concern with the conflicts of society, as he saw them, led him to use the mechanism of the sliding scale, originally concerned with gas pricing, to build what he saw as a partnership between capitalists, customers and workers.

Brief Biographical Note on George Livesey

GEORGE THOMAS LIVESEY 1834-1908.
Father - Thomas Livesey, clerk at South Met. from 1842.
George Livesey was employed by South Met. (as office boy) from 1846, Assistant Manager 1857.Chief Engineer/Company Secretary 1871 (on his father's death). Retired to join Board November 1882, Chairman of Board 1883.
Directorships in other gas companies.
Numerous patents.
President British Association of Gas Engineers 1874. Member Inst. Civil Engineers. Numerous papers to professional institutes (mainly on gas purification processes and gas holder construction). Involved in foundation of professional bodies leading to the setting up of the Institution of Gas Engineers. Many professional offices. 1882 Birmingham Medal for Services to the Gas Industry.
Evidence to numerous commissions and committees of enquiry concerning gas industry affairs. Member Royal Commission of Labour 1892-94. Member Royal Commission on the Poor Law.
Founder member of the London Band of Hope and President 1906. Vice-president London Municipal Society 1906. Close connections with many temperance organisations.
Knighted 1902.

 
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Harry Reid for helping me to contact ex-workers at South Met. and also the Secretary of Greenwich Town Social Club. I would also like to thank the staff at the Industrial Partnership Association for letting me photocopy the 'Interview' document, the staff of the library at London Research Station for access to periodicals there, the staff of the Press Department at SEGAS Katherine Street for loan of periodicals and some original documents, the staff of the library at SEGAS Old Kent Road for loan of documents, the nameless tenant of 'Shagbrook' for papers and introductions, and in addition staff at many archives - GLC, Greenwich Local History Department, John Harvard House and the Marx Memorial Library.

 

CONTENTS

1. Introduction
2. Background - the gas industry
3. South Metropolitan Gas Compant Ltd. - Political Background
4. South Met. Internal Policies
5. Unionisation
6. The Strike of 1889
7. The Co-partnership Scheme
8. The Co-partnership Scheme - Its influence
9. Conclusion
Bibliography

Friday, 2 September 2011

How they wrecked Beckton gasworks

The film "Full Metal Jacket" was made in Beckton Gas Works - by blowing up and wrecking much of the then unused works.



Many of the buildings had been designed by 19th century architect, Francis Edwards, and had considerable merit.

Once they were wrecked and covered with Vietnamese slogan they were left to rot for many years.

In the film many of the buildings are easily recognisable - and must have been a sad sight for those who had maintained them in good order and worked there for many years. However it the film is worth seeing for the old gas works shots - despite being about about an American military subject.




I am attaching some of my not very good photographs taken soon after they were wrecked - taken from some distance and sadly not really showing the slogans - and I am now very sorry that I didn't get better and more interesting shots. It was a pretty dramatic site.